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five - Equal access to high-quality childcare in the Netherlands
- Edited by Ludovica Gambaro, University College London, Institute of Education, Kitty Stewart, The London School of Economics and Political Science, Jane Waldfogel, Columbia University, New York
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- Book:
- An Equal Start?
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 03 February 2022
- Print publication:
- 29 January 2014, pp 101-120
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Summary
Introduction
The Dutch early childhood education and care (ECEC) system is essentially a two-tiered system, consisting of private day-care centres and publicly funded playgroups. Day-care centres provide care for young children whose parents are employed. Although almost all parents make use of these facilities on a part-time basis, the services may be offered up to 11 hours a day, five days a week and 50 weeks a year. Playgroups are more child-centred, focus only on children in the age category two to four and cover about 10 hours a week and 42 weeks per year. Because of the difference in focus, children attending playgroups tend to be more from lower-income families and from a minority background. In addition, specific programmes for disadvantaged children are often organised within the context of playgroups. This concerns the so-called VVE programmes, focusing on early childhood education and care. The programmes might cover approximately 15 hours a week, equivalent to about three or four mornings or afternoons.
Research seems to indicate that children benefit from the use of high-quality childcare, while low-quality care can have a negative effect on development (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2006). Until now, however, there has been little information on the use of high-quality care in the Netherlands and the difference between households in that respect. High-quality childcare may not be available in low-income neighbourhoods, for example, or parents may lack the information to opt for the highest quality. There may also be systematic differences between the quality of childcare services and playgroups – and if playgroups score low on quality, this may have negative consequences for children of low socio-economic status.
In this chapter, we investigate the state of equality of access for high-quality care in the Netherlands for families of low socio-economic status and different cultural backgrounds. The results can have implications for whether the two-tiered Dutch childcare system with both private day-care centres and publicly funded playgroups is able to provide equal quality care across socio-economic and ethnic groups. For our analysis, the first wave of the Pre-COOL dataset was used, collected in 2010 and 2011. The dataset includes indicators on structural and process quality in both day-care centres and playgroups, data on children's development and socio-economic characteristics of the staff and parents.
four - Local providers and loyal parents: competition and consumer choice in the Dutch childcare market
- Edited by Eva Lloyd, University of East London, Helen Penn, University of East London
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- Book:
- Childcare Markets
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 01 September 2022
- Print publication:
- 20 June 2012, pp 63-78
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Summary
Introduction
Throughout Europe, an important policy shift in recent years concerns the introduction of market forces in sectors that have traditionally been organised as a public responsibility. Relevant examples in this respect are the energy market and health insurance (Cutler, 2002; Giulietti et al, 2003). The main reason for the transition of public to private is the assumption that the market will create a more efficient incentive structure, as the market driven approach will increase competition and force suppliers to increase internal efficiency, resulting in lower prices. In addition, the introduction of market forces may lead to a better balance between supply and demand. Consumers are expected to select the provider that offers the best price/quality ratio and the sector may adapt quicker to changing circumstances. The introduction of market forces should therefore increase both internal as well as external efficiency.
In line with this overall trend, the Dutch childcare sector was completely reorganised by the introduction of the 2005 Childcare Act. This Act was perceived as a thoroughly modern piece of legislation, because financial support is redirected from the local authorities to the parents with the aim to increase parental choice. The explicit objective of this childcare reform was to stimulate the operation of market forces, so that childcare providers would respond to parental wishes in an efficient way. The government no longer set the targets, for instance ‘an increase of 20,000 childcare places in 2010’, but the consumer was supposed to persuade the supplier by the laws of supply and demand. As a result of the change towards a demand driven financing system, publicly provided childcare in the Netherlands disappeared. Instead only private for-profit (60% of all Dutch childcare organisations) or not-for-profit providers (the remaining 40%) are now operating and competing in the childcare market (Noailly and Visser, 2009).
The introduction of the Childcare Act did not go unnoticed. All conditions for extensive media coverage were present: a recognisable and sensitive product, a large number of parents affected (most of them well educated) and a clear shift in policy. Five years after its introduction, however, most of the dust seems to have settled and the childcare sector and childcare consumers seem to have got used to the new opportunities and responsibilities.
eleven - The Netherlands: bridging labour and care
- Edited by Sheila Kamerman, Columbia University, New York, Peter Moss, University College London Institute of Education
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- Book:
- The Politics of Parental Leave Policies
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 05 July 2022
- Print publication:
- 22 July 2009, pp 175-190
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Summary
Maternity leave: 16 weeks, 6 weeks before the birth and 10 weeks after at 100% of earnings, up to a ceiling equivalent to the maximum daily payment for sickness benefit (€180).
Paternity leave: 2 working days at 100% of earnings, with no ceiling, paid by the employer.
Parental leave: from 1 January 2009, 26 times the number of working hours per week per parent per child; for example, a full-time job of 38 hours a week gives a leave entitlement of 988 hours. Paid, via a fiscal benefit, at 50% of the minimum wage (€1,356.60 per month for a full-time employee).
Leave to care for a sick child: twice the number of weekly working hours per year for parents of children living at home at 70% of earnings, paid by employer.
Other: the same conditions as leave to care for a sick child apply in the case of a sick partner or parent. There is also long-term compassionate leave for employees with a child, partner or parent with a life-threatening illness, which entitles employees to unpaid leave of up to 6 times their working hours per week, to be taken on a part-time basis. An employer can refuse short-term care leave (for a sick child, parent or partner) and long-term compassionate leave if the organisation's interests might be seriously harmed. In addition, for these leaves and paternity leave employers are permitted to deviate from the statutory entitlements by collective labour agreement or (under certain conditions) by written agreement with the works council or staff representatives. In these cases, employees can be offered more or less than the statutory entitlement (for example, less payment, a shorter leave or no right at all).
All employees who have completed one year's continuous employment with their present employer have the right to increase or decrease their working hours; this does not apply to employers with less than 10 employees, and an employer can refuse to grant the request if the interests of the organisation might be seriously harmed.
The Netherlands is a member state of the European Union (EU). It has the highest level of part-time employment among men and women of any member state in the EU or Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).
Making Transitions Pay: An Assessment of the Dutch Life-Course Scheme
- THOMAS VAN HUIZEN, JANNEKE PLANTENGA
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- Journal:
- Journal of Social Policy / Volume 39 / Issue 1 / January 2010
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 25 June 2009, pp. 35-52
- Print publication:
- January 2010
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Introducing individual savings accounts into the system of social security may be an innovative way to reorganise European social security systems. This article examines the merits and drawbacks of this modernisation strategy using the Transitional Labour Market approach as a frame of reference. On the basis of normative criteria derived from this approach, we perform an evaluation of the Dutch life-course scheme (‘Levensloopregeling’). This scheme is a unique and pioneering arrangement that offers employees a fiscally facilitated option to save money to finance periods of unpaid leave. Following the assessment of the Dutch case, we identify several pitfalls of reforms based on individual savings accounts. Finally, we put forward some proposals to overcome these shortcomings.